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How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler's 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy's fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties - the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege - recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today's new and old democracies under siege.

How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler's 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy's fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties - the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege - recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today's new and old democracies under siege.

The Conservatives are back, and back with a bang – two election wins in a row and, providing they can hold things together, in a pretty good position to win another. But many questions about their recent past, present, and future still remain. Just why did the world's oldest and most successful political party dump Margaret Thatcher only to commit electoral suicide under John Major? And what stopped the Tories getting their act together until David Cameron came along? Did Cameron change his party as much as he sometimes liked to claim, or did his leadership, both in opposition and in government, involve more compromise - and more Conservatism – than we realize? Finally, what does the result of the EU referendum mean for the Party in years to come? The answers, as this accessible and gripping book shows, are as intriguing and provocative as the questions. Based on in-depth research and interviews with the key players, Tim Bale explains how and why the Tories lost power in 1997 – and how and why they have eventually been able to rediscover their winning ways, even if internal tensions and external challenges mean they still can't take anything for granted. Crucial, he suggests, are the people, the power structures, the ideas, and the very different interests of those involved. This second edition of The Conservative Party: From Thatcher to Cameronis a must-read for anyone wanting to understand what makes the Tories tick.

Sir Robert Peel dominated political life for more than two decades and has been described as the 'founder of modern conservatism.' This book analyzes the career of Sir Robert Peel in relation to the development of the Conservative Party in the early 19th century. It discusses Peel's conception of Conservatism, and his work as Prime Minister.

The dominant force in twentieth-century British politics, the Conservative Party has nevertheless been seriously neglected and misunderstood. Conservative Century systematically surveys the history of the Party from the "Khaki" election of 1900 to John Major's victory of 1992 and beyond. Ignoring traditional boundaries between history and political science, and drawing on Conservative Party Archives, each of the authoritative teams of contributors pursues an important theme within three main areas: the Party's composition and structure; its ideas, policies and actions in government; and its public image and sources of support.

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This volume brings together for the first time the British Conservative Political Party General Election Manifestos, dating back to 1900, and including the most recent General Election manifesto of 1997. The project provides an indispensible source of data about the Conservative Party's political ideologies and policy positions, as well as charting their changes over time. The volume has a new introduction written by Alistair B. Cooke, who was Deputy Director of the Conservative Research Department from 1985 to 1997, and the Director of the Conservative Political Centre from 1988 to 1997. During that time he edited some 300 pamphlets for the Conservative Party, along with 6 volumes of its comprehensive record policy, the Campaign Guide and collections of Margaret Thatcher and John Major's speeches. He is also the editor of The Conservative Party: Seven Historical Studies, 1680 to the 1990s. In addition to the new introduction, the volume will include a comprehensive index, making it easy to use.

This book examines Conservative backbench debate on European integration and British relations in the Middle East between 1948 and 1957. In seeking to compare the impact of a loose affiliation of Conservative MPs, an organized faction of longstanding and an ad-hoc pressure group, the text concentrates upon the Europeanists, the Suez Group and the Anti-Suez Group and considers their attempts to influence British foreign policy, using interviews with former parliamentarians and contemporary sources, published and unpublished.

This book examines Conservative backbench debate on European integration and British relations in the Middle East between 1948 and 1957. In seeking to compare the impact of a loose affiliation of Conservative MPs, an organized faction of longstanding and an ad-hoc pressure group, the text concentrates upon the Europeanists, the Suez Group and the Anti-Suez Group and considers their attempts to influence British foreign policy, using interviews with former parliamentarians and contemporary sources, published and unpublished.

In this book, Dr. Ramsden recounts the Conservatives' eclipse during the latter part of the Second World War, and explains the Party's crushing defeat in the postwar election of 1945. He reassesses the Tory recovery under the guidance of R. A. Butler and Lord Woolton in the later 1940s, and throws new light on how that recovery was achieved. He discusses the Party's stormy relationship with Churchill, and the efforts of other Conservatives to make him retire. He evaluates the career of Sir Anthony Eden, and the Suez crisis which ended it; and he charts the rise to the premiership of Harold Macmillan.The Age of Churchill and Eden has been written with full access to the Conservative Party's archives, both nationally (including Conservative Central Office, the Party Whips and the Research Department) and locally (the minute books of area and constituency parties).

Progressive Conservative Party (Canada). Canada -- Politics and government -- 20th century.

The Crisis of Conservatism offers a powerful new interpretation of Conservative party history in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Based on extensive research into the activities and writings of politicians, intellectuals, journalists and economists, this study brings together in a bold synthesis the economic, social, intellectual and political history of Conservatism. It shows that the Conservative party faced a number of serious problems which emerged in the late nineteenth century and reached a peak in the Edwardian period. How was the party of the land to effect the transition to being the party of property in general? How was the party of property to survive in an electoral system increasingly dominated by the propertyless? How was the party of property to cope with the emergent challenge of Socialism? How was the party of Empire to respond to Britain's apparent decline as an imperial and economic power? The author demonstrates that these problems created intense debate within the Conservative party over the role of the State in economy and society, over the optimum path of British economic development, over the future of empire, over the Conservative constituency and over the nature of Conservatism itself.

This volume brings together for the first time the British Conservative Political Party General Election Manifestos, dating back to 1900, and including the most recent General Election manifesto of 1997. The project provides an indispensible source of data about the Conservative Party's political ideologies and policy positions, as well as charting their changes over time. The volume has a new introduction written by Alistair B. Cooke, who was Deputy Director of the Conservative Research Department from 1985 to 1997, and the Director of the Conservative Political Centre from 1988 to 1997. During that time he edited some 300 pamphlets for the Conservative Party, along with 6 volumes of its comprehensive record policy, the Campaign Guide and collections of Margaret Thatcher and John Major's speeches. He is also the editor of The Conservative Party: Seven Historical Studies, 1680 to the 1990s. In addition to the new introduction, the volume will include a comprehensive index, making it easy to use.

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In the mid-twentieth century, far more evangelicals supported such “liberal” causes as peace, social justice, and environmental protection. Only gradually did the conservative evangelical faction win dominance, allying with the Republican Party of Ronald Reagan and, eventually, George W. Bush.     In Countercultural Conservatives Axel Schäfer traces the evolution of a diffuse and pluralistic movement into the political force of the New Christian Right. In forging its complex theological and political identity, evangelicalism did not simply reject the ideas of 1960s counterculture, Schäfer argues. For all their strict Biblicism and uncompromising morality, evangelicals absorbed and extended key aspects of the countercultural worldview.    Carefully examining evangelicalism’s internal dynamics, fissures, and coalitions, this book offers an intriguing reinterpretation of the most important development in American religion and politics since World War II.

As the party that has won wars, reversed recessions and held prime ministerial power more times than any other, the Conservatives have played an undoubtedly crucial role in the shaping of contemporary British society. And yet, the leaders who have stood at its helm - from Sir Robert Peel to David Cameron, via Benjamin Disraeli, Winston Churchill and Margaret Thatcher - have steered the party vessel with enormously varying degrees of success. With the widening of the franchise, revolutionary changes to social values and the growing ubiquity of the media, the requirements, techniques and goals of Conservative leadership since the party's nineteenth-century factional breakaway have been forced to evolve almost beyond recognition - and not all its leaders have managed to keep up. This comprehensive and enlightening book considers the attributes and achievements of each leader in the context of their respective time and diplomatic landscape, offering a compelling analytical framework by which they may be judged, detailed personal biographies from some of the country's foremost political critics, and exclusive interviews with former leaders themselves. An indispensable contribution to the study of party leadership, British Conservative Leaders is the essential guide to understanding British political history and governance through the prism of those who created it. Contributing authors include Matthew d Ancona, Tim Bale, Stuart Ball, Jim Buller, John Campbell, John Charmley, Charles Clarke, Mark Davies, Patrick Diamond, David Dutton, Dr Mark Garnett, Richard A. Gaunt, William Hague, Angus Hawkins, Timothy Heppell, Andrew Holt, Michael Howard, Toby S. James, Nigel Keohane, Jo-Anne Nadler, T. G. Otte, Anne Perkins, Robert Saunders, Anthony Seldon, Andrew Taylor, D. R. Thorpe and Alan Wager.

Whittaker Chambers is one of the most controversial figures in modern American history a former Communist spy who left the party, testified against Alger Hiss before the House Un-American Activities Committee, and wrote a classic autobiography, Witness. Dismissed by some as a crank, reviled by others as a traitor, Chambers still looms as a Dostoevskian figure over three decades after his death in 1961. A man of profound pessimism, rare vision, and remarkable literary talents, his continuing importance was attested to when Ronald Reagan posthumously awarded him the Medal of Freedom in 1984. Ghosts on the Roof, originally published in 1989, brings together more than fifty short stories, essays, articles, and reviews that originally appeared in Time, Life, National Review, Commonweal, The American Mercury, and the New Masses. Included are essays on Karl Marx, Reinhold Niebuhr, James Joyce, Franz Kafka, George Santayana, Dame Rebecca West, Ayn Rand, and Greta Garbo. These show Chambers at his best, as a peerless historian of ideas.

"The mind and heart of America, in this tremendous hour, require an inspiration which cannot come out of the party caucus and the editorial room of the daily newspaper." So writes Russell Kirk in Prospects for Conservatives. Sixty years hence the hour is late, the situation even more dire. Our governing elites, in all areas of social, political, and cultural life, have snapped the central axis of humanity and trampled upon the principles of natural, social, and transcendent order. But such are not ever lost, and it is these that Russell Kirk offers to us in this work--perhaps his best, in terms of style as well as intellectual depth and creativity, as Bradley Birzer notes in his introduction to this new edition. As Dr. Birzer goes on to indicate, the book's importance lies less in the specific issues it addresses than in its discussion of eternal truths. In Prospects, the author engages problems of the intellect, community, justice, order, loyalty, tradition, and power; and associates each of these either with the seven classical and Christian virtues or with the seven deadly sins. Yes, the hour is late, but transcendent order can never be entirely extinguished, and its re-articulation in Prospects for Conservatives--bringing it into clear view so that it can affect everyday living--is an unexpected grace from the pen of Russell Kirk, given to all whose intellects and imaginations have not yet lost their bearings. In an age when it is all too easily led off course, Dr. Kirk offers American conservatism a sure way forward, and reason for hope in perilous times.

Why do conservatives always seem to lose, even when Republicans win? With considerable firsthand experience in politics and an engaging analytical perspective, Steve Deace provides the answer.Why does the Republican Party always seem to betray conservatives in the end? How come Leftists never worry some “squishy” moderate will win Democrat primaries, even though conservatives in the GOP are constantly fighting that battle? Why do GOP leaders typically fight the conservative base harder than they fight the Democrats? How did the Left gain control of every major cultural institution in the country? Why does the Republican Party continue to fund (alleged) political enemies, such as Planned Parenthood? Is the GOP really the “the stupid party” or something much worse? Deace answers these questions and more in Truth Bombs, a definitive expose on why conservativism has no future—if it remains hostage to the unibrow-party duopoly.